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La motion Valls-Cambadélis : le grand écart entre les paroles et les actes

mardi 21 avril 2015 par Jean-Jacques Chavigné

 

La motion Valls-Cambadélis a un précédent : la « Charte des socialistes pour le progrès humain ». Cette charte affirmait toute une série de principes en parfaite contradiction avec la pratique gouvernementale de notre parti. Aussitôt votée, cette « Charte » a d’ailleurs été totalement oubliée et Manuel Valls a continué à gouverné comme si elle n’avait jamais existé. Cela n’empêche pas la motion Valls-Cambadélis de nous présenter la « Charte pour le progrès humain » (le mot « socialiste » a disparu…), comme le point d’orgue d’états généraux « qui ont constitué une démarche inédite non seulement dans l’histoire de notre Parti, mais jamais vue dans la vie politique française » !

Comment pourrait-il en être autrement de la motion Valls-Cambédélis, tant elle est en contradiction avec la politique menée par le gouvernement de Manuel Valls ? Comment le politique de Manuel Valls pourrai-elle changer, si la motion Valls-Cambadélis était majoritaire, alors que notre Premier ministre avait clairement annoncé que, même en cas de défaite aux départementales, il ne changerait pas d’orientation ?

Voilà quelques exemples, parmi tant d’autres, de ce grand écart entre la motion dont Manuel Valls est le plus éminent signataire, et les actes de Manuel Valls, Premier Ministre.

La justice sociale

« L’encadrement des loyers doit être mis en place pleinement »

Après avoir supprimé cette mesure qui figurait dans la loi ALUR de Cécile Duflot, Manuel Valls n’hésite pas à signer une motion qui réclame son rétablissement !

« Accroître le pouvoir d’achat et œuvrer pour la justice sociale »

La politique d’augmentation du Smic de Nicolas Sarkozy a été prolongée par nos deux gouvernements de gauche. À l’exception d’une augmentation de 6,45 euros par mois en 2012 (une baguette ½ par semaine !) le Smic n’a pas reçu le moindre « coup de pouce ». La valeur du point dans la Fonction publique est restée gelée.

La retraite à 60 ans pour les carrières longues a, certes, été rétablie dès juillet 2012. Mais, alors qu’en 2010, nous étions aux côtés des millions de salariés qui refusaient l’allongement de la durée de cotisation, notre gouvernement a, comme sous Sarkozy, allongé la durée de cotisation de 6 trimestres. Tant pis, si au moment de prendre leur retraite, 60 % des salariés du privé ne sont plus au travail mais au chômage, en maladie ou en invalidité…

L’Accord national interprofessionnel de 2013, devenue la loi Sapin de juin 2013 met en pratique la célèbre recette du « Pâté d’alouette ».

Une alouette de droits supplémentaires pour les salariés : la généralisation de la complémentaire santé.

Un cheval de flexibilité supplémentaire au profit du patronat : mobilité géographique ou professionnelle obligatoire sous peine de licenciement ; baisse des salaires ou variation du temps de travail ; procédures de licenciements simplifiés ; réduction à deux ans (contre cinq auparavant) de la période pendant laquelle un salarié peut saisir le tribunal des prud’hommes ; limitation de l’intervention du juge en cas de licenciements…

Comment nous étonner après cela que de moins en moins de salariés votent pour nos candidats ?

« La fiscalité au service de la croissance et de la justice : nous croyons à l’impôt progressif et redistributif »

Les nombreux ministres et anciens ministres, signataires de la motion Valls-Cambadélis, affirment croire à l’impôt progressif et redistributif. Pourquoi n’ont-ils rien fait pour le mettre en place ?

Qui pouvait bien être ministre du Budget, lorsque le gouvernement a fait adopter, en décembre 2012, l’augmentation de la TVA que notre parti qualifiait d’impôt le plus injuste et condamnait sous Sarkozy ?

Qui pouvait bien être ministre des Finances, lorsque la suppression progressive (décidée en 2008) de la ½ part pour les veuves est devenue une suppression tout court et que les impôts de millions de ménages très modestes, qui n’en payaient pas auparavant, ont été augmentés. Tous ceux qui ont fait du « porte-à-porte », lors des élections départementales, ont pu constater l’enthousiasme qu’avait soulevé « la fiscalité au service de la justice » dont se targue la motion Valls-Cambadélis.

Qui pouvait bien être ministre lorsque le gouvernement s’est assis sur le 9e engagement de François Hollande « revenir sur les cadeaux fiscaux et les niches fiscales accordées aux grandes entreprises » , en faisant exactement l’inverse, et en accordant, avec le « pacte de compétitivité » et « pacte de responsabilité », un supplément de 41 milliards d’euros annuel de niches fiscales et sociales, dont les grands groupes sont les principaux bénéficiaires ?

La Finance

« Remettre la finance à sa place ! »

La loi bancaire de juillet 2013 n’a pas touché à la « banque universelle » qui continue de faire courir le même danger à ses déposants et à l’économie qu’avant la crise de 2007-2008. Alors que les activités spéculatives des banques concernent 80 % de leur bilan, seuls 0,75 % à 1,5 % des activités des banques ont été cantonnés dans des filiales séparées.

Mais qui, diable, pouvait bien gouverner la France en 2013 ?

La réindustrialisation

« La réindustrialisation de la France est un objectif fondamental pour les socialistes »

Mais alors, pourquoi des nationalisations provisoires (un temps dans le débat public) n’ont-elles pas été réalisées ? Ne serait-ce que pour des secteurs jugés stratégiques ? L’État stratège n’est-il qu’un mot pour les débats de congrès ?

Pourquoi aucune loi pour interdire les licenciements boursiers n’a-t-elle été proposée au vote du Parlement par les gouvernements de Jean-Marc Ayrault et de Manuel Valls ?

Pourquoi l’État a-t-il laissé et laisse-t-il licencier des dizaines de milliers de salariés : PSA, Renault et leurs sous-traitants, Fagor-Brandt, Arcelor-Mittal, Petroplus, Doux, Gad, Faurecia, Sanofi, Thyssenkrupp Elavator, CBI (ex-Bosch), Lejaby, Tarkett, Laboratoires Pierre Fabre, Michelin, Goodyear, Bats, la SNCM, Mory-Global, Total, DIM, Gefco et tant d’autres ?

Comment Manuel Valls peut-il signer une motion qui s’assigne un tel objectif sans avoir eu un seul mot pour condamner Emmanuel Macron quand il déclarait « mon job n’est pas de préserver les emplois existants »  ?

Peut-on reconstruire l’industrie de notre pays à partir de zéro ? La stratégie de la table rase, au-delà des souffrances humaines insupportables qu’elle entraîne, a toujours été une stratégie vouée à l’échec !

Les droits des salariés

« Dans l’entreprise, les salariés, pour être respectés, doivent avoir des droits »

La pire des mesures du projet de loi Macron est, au contraire, de supprimer le 2ème alinéa de l’article 2064 du Code civil, afin de permettre qu’un salarié puisse ne plus bénéficier des protections accordées par le droit du travail mais relever du seul droit civil. S’il était adopté, en 2e lecture, ce serait le plus grand recul du droit du travail depuis 70 ans.

« Les règles qui régissent le contrat de travail doivent permettre une sécurité pour les salariés et combattre la précarité qui les frappe »

84 % des embauches se font maintenant en CDD et la durée moyenne des contrats est de 10 jours, selon la Dares. Pourquoi les ministres signataires de la motion Valls-Cambadélis n’ont-ils rien fait contre ce fléau ? Pourquoi ont-ils, au contraire, par la loi de juin 2013, cherché à « flexibiliser », à précariser encore plus le travail ?

« Nous sommes opposés à une nouvelle extension du travail du dimanche »

Comment Manuel Valls a-t-il pu signer une motion opposée à l’extension du travail du dimanche, quelques semaines après avoir imposé, à l’Assemblée Nationale, le vote du projet de loi Macron, qui étend considérablement le travail du dimanche ?

Les embarras de notre secrétaire d’État au Budget, se demandant avec perplexité (sur RFI) si les limites apportées à l’extension du travail du dimanche ne valaient qu’après les modifications apportées par le projet de loi Macron, mettaient le doigt sur le double langage de ceux qui pratiquent au gouvernement le contraire de ce qu’affirme la motion qu’ils signent pour le congrès de notre parti. Christian Eckert n’aurait pourtant dû avoir aucune hésitation puisque la motion dont il est l’un des signataires reprend, mot pour mot, l’argumentation de tous ceux qui, dans notre parti, à gauche et dans les syndicats, s’opposent au projet de loi Macron : « Le dimanche doit d’abord être un moment du vivre ensemble. C’est une question de protection des salariés les plus fragiles pour lesquels la liberté de choix n’existe pas réellement… »

Les hésitations de Christian Eckert indiquent toute la crédibilité qu’il accorde à la motion qu’il vient de signer.

« L’information économique sur la situation de l’entreprise doit être accessible aux salariés »

La « base de donnée unique » mise en place par la loi de Michel Sapin, signataire de la motion Valls-Cambadélis, réduit à la portion congrue les informations que l’employeur était, auparavant, obligé de fournir au Comité d’entreprise.

« L’engagement des femmes et des hommes dans l’action syndicale doit être reconnu et valorisé »

L’un des principaux obstacles à la syndicalisation est la répression antisyndicale menée par le patronat. Pourquoi, dans ces conditions, refuser l’amnistie des syndicalistes condamnés pour avoir défendu les emplois et les salaires avec, parfois, un peu d’emportement, au demeurant, parfaitement compréhensible ? Pourquoi refuser cette amnistie au moment même où notre gouvernement annonce qu’un employeur qui entrave à la réunion d’un comité d’entreprise ne sera plus passibles de sanctions pénales ?

L’État, les collectivités territoriales

« Renforcer le droit d’initiative et de contrôle du Parlement »

Depuis le début du quinquennat, les pressions les plus diverses ont été exercées sur les députés qualifiés de « frondeurs » pour les amener à voter les projets de loi du gouvernement qui leur posaient problèmes car ils n’étaient pas conformes à l’engagement pris envers nos électeurs.

Comment, après avoir utilisé l’article 49.3 pour faire adopter, à l’Assemblée nationale, le projet de loi Macron, notre premier ministre peut-il signer une motion qui affirme la nécessité de renforcer le droit d’initiative et de contrôle du Parlement ?

Pourquoi, Manuel Valls, signataire éminent de la motion A, n’a-t-il pas condamné publiquement les commentaires d’Emmanuel Macron qui déclarait à propos des députés « frondeurs » : « Sur la position initiale du parti, s’est greffé un foyer infectieux qui ne s’est pas éteint » ?

« Le non-cumul des mandats »

Combien de cumulards parmi les signataires de la motion Valls-Cambadélis ?

« Les collectivités locales doivent retrouver un pacte de solidarité avec l’État qui doit intégrer l’investissement productif qu’elles soutiennent »

Comment les ministres signataires de la motion Valls peuvent-ils signer une motion qui affirme un tel objectif alors que le gouvernement auquel ils appartiennent ne cesse de réduire l’investissement public et, notamment celui des collectivités territoriales qui représente 70 % de l’investissement public. Selon l’Association des maires de France, la baisse cumulée des dotations aux collectivités territoriales s’élèvera à 28 milliards d’euros, d’ici 2017 !

La Grèce

« Nous devons aider les Grecs à demeurer dans l’euro et retrouver le chemin de la croissance »

Comment cet objectif est-il compatible avec la déclaration de Manuel Valls, lors de sa récente visite officielle au Portugal, dans laquelle il affirmait attendre de la Grèce qu’elle fournisse « une liste de réformes plus profondes » . C’est pourtant la 4e fois que l’Union européenne oblige Syriza à revoir sa copie pour l’obliger à renoncer à ses engagements et le forcer à aggraver la politique d’austérité imposée par la « Troïka » qui a provoqué une baisse de 26 % du PIB grec depuis 2009, la pire catastrophe économique pour un État européen, depuis la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale.

Jean-Christophe Cambadélis déclarait, lors de la victoire de Syriza, le 25 janvier : « C’est un raz de marée contre l’austérité qui va renforce le camp de ceux qui luttent contre l’austérité » . Manuel Valls a choisi, pour sa part, de se situer du côté de l’austérité et du problème, plutôt que d’être du côté de la solution. Cela ne l’empêche pas de signer une motion qui affirme vouloir aider les Grecs !

Chacun peut, à cette occasion, prendre conscience du poids de l’actuel Premier secrétaire de notre parti : le Premier ministre ignore totalement son point de vue quand il diffère du sien.

Aussi longtemps que Jean-Christophe Cambadélis sera premier secrétaire, il en sera ainsi et notre parti ne pourra pas infléchir la politique du gouvernement.

L’Union de la gauche

« La force de l’unité, c’est la « belle alliance » : l’alliance populaire »

Qui peut croire à un nouveau Front populaire avec Emmanuel Macron, en tête de gondole ?

L’avenir du social-libéralisme

« L’avenir n’est pas le social-libéralisme car, à la fin, il reste le libéralisme sans le social »

C’est certainement la meilleure critique qui puisse être faite de la politique de Manuel Valls. Mais comment mieux souligner l’écart entre les paroles de la motion Valls-Cambadélis et les actes de Manuel Valls, Premier ministre ?

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